Alongside energy efficiency, renewables and abatement, I believe safe nuclear power, with manageable waste, can play an important role in reducing greenhouse gas emissions, as long as it is cost competitive with other low carbon generation.
Ed Davey
When I was energy and climate change secretary I sat around a cabinet table with Gove, and he couldn't help playing to the Tory climate-sceptic audience. As education secretary, he tried to ban climate change from the geography curriculum. After an angry exchange of letters with me, he eventually backed down.
When we fight to uphold the rule of law, it's vital we uphold the rule of law as we fight. Otherwise we simply play into the hands of the terrorists and undermine our values and system of justice.
Whenever there's a big national event that brings the country together - whether it's the Olympics, a royal wedding or the 'Bake Off' final - there are inevitably a few contrarian voices speaking out against it.
I am not a natural fan of Mr Tillerson's political instincts. Indeed, there maybe few things I would agree with Rex on: for example, he vouched his support for the war in Yemen, approved of Assad's regime, and has pushed for tax cuts for American big business.
Brexiteers often hark back to the blitz. Maybe they think the 'Britain standing alone' motif adds much-needed heroic purpose to a Brexit future in which Britain stands without trading partners or allies to tackle climate change.
We should be redoubling our own efforts to combat climate change, not watering them down.
It's crucial we make the case for institutions like Nato and the E.U. as foundations for the peace and prosperity we have enjoyed for decades - and which too many people appear to take for granted.
Abuse of human rights and international law demand resolution - whoever is responsible.
Ed Miliband rails against energy companies and says the market isn't working. But wasn't he Britain's first secretary of state for energy and climate change in 2008?
Liberal Democrats will not rest until we have stopped Brexit.
Climate change threatens serious economic disruption to us all with serious implications to global stability and the impact it will have on the whole of humanity.
Witnessing injustice, in person, leaves an indelible mark.
Britain needs a diverse energy mix - home grown renewables, new nuclear, a switch from dirty coal to cleaner gas, and, when the technology is ready, carbon capture and storage. Diversity will keep the lights on and ensure we go green at the lowest possible cost.
The Tories wanted to get rid of fuel poverty targets. I stopped them.
Offshore oil and gas has proven to be a vital strategic resource for the United Kingdom. Not only has it contributed to Britain's energy security over decades, but it has supported hundreds of thousands of jobs across the country and contributed hundreds of billions of pounds in taxes to the economy.
My experience as energy and climate change secretary - in the months I spent battling George Osborne over the budget for investment in low carbon, and in the daily attrition with Eric Pickles over onshore wind - was that many Conservatives simply regard their commitment to climate change action as something they had to say to get into power.
Britain must be the champion of international law.
There is nothing triumphant or boastful in the way we mourn the dead and pay our veterans the respect they deserve.
I'm determined to use all of my powers to make sure that Britain leads the way in sourcing the energy we need from low carbon sources.
I'm all in favour of talking to other parties, always have been, always will be. I'm a pluralist, talk to them, see what we've got in common, work together, fine.
You don't need to be a John Maynard Keynes to understand that if Britain leaves the European market, a border will have to be put in place - and that would break U.K. obligations in a treaty lodged at the United Nations.
We want the NHS to be able to recruit the doctors and nurses it needs. And we want British businesses to be free to hire the best workers from anywhere in the world.
There is no good time to break the law.
Even before the Windrush scandal, it was clear Britain's immigration system was in desperate need of reform.
The homeless often lose trust in people: in the hospital doctors, who had no choice but to discharge them back on to the streets, and in the family members from whom they have become estranged. Their past use of the NHS can make it difficult to patch together a full medical history.
What I saw in my first year as secretary of state was a danger that if Britain didn't lead the way on climate change nothing would happen. I thought: If I don't lead, no one else is going to.
Any genuine progressive should work together to stop Brexit - this is a national emergency, requiring national cooperation.
My grandfather was like a father figure to me.
We now have the economics confirming that not only is climate action required to reduce climate risks, but that it is vital to building long-term, sustainable economic growth.
We must face up to the long-term failures of Britain's approach to immigration and make the argument for an effective, compassionate and liberal alternative.
We won't rescue humanity from self-destruction without a dramatic change in how we invest for our future energy needs.
The truth is that E.U. citizens contribute far more to our economy and public services than they use.
I don't ever talk about red lines whether in coalition negotiations with other partners or in Europe. It is important that we listen to others and find a way forward.
The Liberal Democrats are proud pro-Europeans, and internationalists - and always will be.
For me, the most ironic aspect of the Brexit debate has been right-wing Brexiteers speaking loftily about parliamentary sovereignty, when they have never backed MPs having a fuller involvement in how our country is run.
We want to encourage foreign students to come to our universities - to study, research and teach.
Diplomacy is essential if we are to find peaceful resolutions in times of tension.
For Liberal Democrats, the political choice between the hard Brexit menus offered by Boris Johnson and Jeremy Hunt might seem about as tempting as arsenic verses strychnine.
Jeremy Corbyn's policy on Brexit has failed to unite his own Labour MPs and has been rightly castigated for lacking any clear course.
Climate change is a complex challenge, and one that will not be easily solved.
We are a million miles from the Tories. While we promote international co-operation and human rights abroad, they pull up the drawbridge.
When I visited Jerusalem and the West Bank back in 2008, I was shocked by how individual Palestinians and whole Palestinian communities were treated by the Israeli government. From the illegal settlements to daily humiliations at checkpoints, the evidence of gross injustice and the human suffering it brings is indisputable.
In both world wars, Britain understood that our national sovereignty could only endure if we cooperated with other nations. That our fate is inexorably bound with that of our neighbours.
Liberal Democrats cherish freedom of movement.
We have ensured through the 2013 Energy Act that low-carbon energy resources have a secure future in our energy mix. Wind, tidal, nuclear, biomass and CCS all have a major role to play.
There was a time before my O-levels when I remember thinking I used to study hard and work hard to please my mother, like most young children. And then I realised I'm doing this for me.
Our party's greatest achievements have always been delivered from the radical centre-left.
The very idea that human beings are held in bondage is sickening.
From Nato to the U.N. and the E.U., the generation that lived through the first half of the 20th century knew they needed to create a new world order. An order with rules and institutions which, however imperfect, could act both as constraints on individual countries going rogue and as catalysts for co-operation for mutual benefit.
